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civilian workforce 5 but also employees in the U.S. This finding applies to not only white women in the U.S.
Harassed on the job professional#
Studies have considered a range of professional well-being outcomes, in particular, job satisfaction, organizational withdrawal, organizational commitment, job stress, and productivity or performance decline.Ī host of studies have linked sexual harassment with decreases in job satisfaction. This is true across a variety of industries, from academia to the military to the Fortune 500.
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1999 Magley and Shupe 2005 Munson, Miner, and Hulin 2001).Įxtensive research shows that sexual harassment takes a toll on women's professional well-being. It is also significant to note that the impacts women experience are in no way dependent on them labeling the experience as sexual harassment ( Schneider, Swan, and Fitzgerald 1997 Cortina and Berdahl 2008 Magley, Hulin, et al. This emphasizes the importance of not dismissing gender harassment as a “lesser,” inconsequential form of sexual harassment. 2005 Leskinen, Cortina, and Kabat 2011 Sojo, Wood, and Genat 2016). In other words, gender harassment can be just as corrosive to work and well-being ( Langhout et al. Relatedly, research has shown that gender harassment (a type of sexual harassment, which tends to occur at high frequencies) can have similar effects as unwanted sexual attention and sexual coercion (types of sexual harassment, which tend to be rare). 1997 Schneider, Swan, and Fitzgerald 1997 Magley, Hulin, et al. Not surprisingly, the research has also shown that as the frequency of sexual harassment experiences goes up, women experience significantly worse job-related and psychological outcomes ( Fitzgerald et al. Research has shown that even low-frequency incidents of sexual harassment can have negative consequences, and that these women's experiences are statistically distinguishable from women who experienced no sexual harassment ( Schneider, Swan, and Fitzgerald 1997 Langhout et al. SOURCE: Adapted from Willness, Steel, and Lee 2007. Visual representation of antecedents and outcomes from sexual harassment. The more often women are sexually harassed in a context, the more they think about leaving (and some do ultimately leave) the net result of sexual harassment is therefore a loss of talent, which can be costly to organizations and to science, engineering, and medicine. Other studies, moreover, show that negative effects extend to witnesses, workgroups, and entire organizations. Some research also shows that sexual harassment has stronger relationships with women's well-being than other job-related stressors, which emphasizes just how significant this issue is in educational and work settings ( Fitzgerald et al.
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The research also shows that the relationships between sexual harassment and these outcomes remain significant even when controlling for (1) the experiences of other stressors (e.g., general job stress, trauma outside of the work, etc.), (2) other features of the job (occupational level, organizational tenure, workload), (3) personality (negative affectivity, neuroticism, narcissism), and (4) other demographic factors (age, education level, race) ( Cortina and Berdahl 2008). Overall, the research has demonstrated that women's experiences of sexual harassment are associated with reductions in their professional, psychological, and physical health. As a result, researchers have established a conceptual model of the factors that predict sexual harassment experiences (antecedents, examined in Chapter 3) and the outcomes associated with sexual harassment experiences ( Figure 4-1). Numerous robust studies have documented links between sexual harassment and declines in psychological and professional well-being. OUTCOMES OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT FOR INDIVIDUALS This chapter explores in more detail this research record on outcomes of sexual harassment and provides a conceptual review of the research 3 on outcomes that are associated 4 with sexual harassment experiences. That is, the impact of sexual harassment extends across lines of industry, occupation, race, and social class (for meta-analytic reviews of these effects, see Chan and colleagues, Ilies and colleagues, Sojo, Wood, and Genat, and Willness, Steel, and Lee ). Negative effects have been documented in virtually every context and every group that has been studied. Sexual harassment 2 has been studied in a variety of industries, social and occupational classes, and racial/ethnic groups. Knowing that greater than 50 percent of women faculty and staff and 20–50 percent of women students encounter sexually harassing conduct in academia, 1 the question now becomes how significant of a problem this is to those women to others in the sexually harassing environments to the disciplines of science, engineering, and medicine (SEM) and to society.
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